Difference between revisions of "Anderson 1983"

Latest revision as of 13:54, 15 March 2018

Benedict Anderson. Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism. London: Verso, 1983 (rev. 2006). Web.

• Focus on Ch. 1-3, 9-11
• nationalism from the OED: "Advocacy of or support for the interests of one's own nation, esp. to the exclusion or detriment of the interests of other nations. Also: advocacy of or support for national independence or self-determination. Whereas patriotism usually refers to a general sentiment, nationalism now usually refers to a specific ideology, esp. one expressed through political activism. In earlier use, however, the two appear to have been more or less interchangeable."
• "Anderson's view of nationalism places the roots of the notion of "nation" at the end of the 18th century when a replacement system began, not in Europe, but in the Western Hemisphere, when countries such as Brazil, the United States, and the newly freed Spanish colonies became the first to develop a national consciousness. Therefore, in contrast to other thinkers such as Ernest Gellner, who considered the spread of nationalism in connection with industrialism in Western Europe, and Elie Kedourie, who construed nationalism as a European phenomenon carried around the world by colonization, Anderson sees the European nation state as a response to the rise of nationalism in the European diaspora beyond the oceans, especially in the Western Hemisphere, which was then retransmitted to Africa and Asia through colonization."
• his argument’s dependence on print-capitalism means that the changes he maps are uneven going down the population to illiterate and poor, and this implication stays true for the "empty, homogenous time" model that’s in part based on literacy

Ch 1: Intro

• 3 The reality is quite plain: the 'end of the era of nationalism,' so long prophesied, is not remotely in sight. Indeed, nation-ness is the most universally legitimate value in the political life of our time.
  • the modern congruence between state and nation owes its origins at least in part to the nationalist movements of the mid C19 - see Timothy Snyder, The Red Prince
• mismatch between the political influence of nationalism and a dearth of theory about it
• 4 national bourgeoisie
• intervention: My point of departure is that nationality, or as one might prefer to put it in view of that word's multiple significations, nation-ness, as well as nationalism, are cultural artefacts of a particular kind. To understand them properly we need to consider carefully how they have come into historical being, in what ways their meanings have changed over time, and why, today, they command such profound emotional legitimacy. I will be trying to argue that the creation of these artefacts towards the end of the C18 was a spontaneous distillation of a complex 'crossing' of discrete historical forces, but that, once created, they became 'modular', capable of being transplanted, with varying degrees of self-consciousness, to a great variety of social terrains, to merge and be merged with a correspondingly wide variety of political and ideological constellations. I will also attempt to show why these particular cultural artefacts have aroused such deep attachments.
• 5 Definitions:
  • first, contradictions: nations are a modern historical development, but nationalists perceive them as ancient; everyone 'has' a nationality (like 'gender'), but local, concrete manifestations of it are sui generis; nationalism is politically powerful but philosophically impoverished (there have been no great nationalist thinkers)
  • 6 a Nation is an imagined political community
    • "imagined" because members don't know most of their fellow members, but they clearly perceive their "communion"
    • not necessarily negative: "In fact, all communities larger than primordial villages of face-to-face contact (and perhaps even these) are imagined."
  • 7 a nation is limited: it has "finite, if elastic, boundaries"
  • a nation is sovereign: "nations dream of being free, and, if under God, directly so" (post- Enlightenment and Revolution)
  • a nation is a community, a "deep, horizontal comradeship"

Ch 2: Cultural Roots

• especially useful for gloss on Benjamin's "messianic time" and the novel and newspaper as analogues for nation, 23ff
• 10 in its concern with death and immortality, nationalism "suggests a strong affinity with religious imaginings"
• The extraordinary survival [of world religions] attests to their imaginative response to the overwhelming burden of human suffering[.] ...The great weakness of all evolutionary/progressive styles of thought, not excluding Marxism, is that such questions ["Why was I born blind?"] are answered with impatient silence.
• 11 he connects rise of nationalism with "dusk of religious modes of thought" but Charles Taylor would push on that narrative
  • 12 but he carefully does not argue for the production of nationalism by secularization or supercession, but rather that it aligned itself with "the large cultural systems that preceded it," the religious community and the dynastic realm
• Religious community
  • 12-13 the religious communities of Xianity etc "were imaginable largely through the medium of a sacred language and written script."
  • 13 distinction: these communities' "confidence in the unique sacredness of their language" [vs modern nation]
  • 14 depended also on the "non-arbitrariness of the sign": "...ontological reality is apprehensible only through a single, privileged system of re-presentation: the truth-language of Church Latin, Quranic Arabic, or Examination Chinese."
  • 16-17 the decline of the "unselfconscious coherence" of the "great religiously imagined communities" post Middle Ages, due to "explorations of the non-European world" which "abruptly widened...men's conception of possible forms of human life" [quoting Auerbach Mimesis] and the "gradual demotion of the sacred language itself" -- to which "print capitalism" was central. "...The fall of Latin exemplified a larger process in which the sacred communities integrated by old sacred languages were gradually fragmented, pluralized, and territorialized." (19)
  • In the C17 Hobbes was a figure of continental renown because he wrote in the truth-language. Shakespeare, on the other hand, composing in the vernacular, was virtually unknown across the Channel [he cites Febvre & Martin 1958 330]. And had English not become, two hundred years later, the pre-eminent world-imperial language, might he not largely have retained his original insular obscurity?
• Dynastic realm
  • 19 [arguing it's difficult to imagine ourselves into the mindset where dynastic realm is the only imaginable political system] In the modern conception, state sovereignty is fully, flatly, and evenly operative over each square centimetre of a legally demarcated territory. But in the older imagining, where states were defined by centres, borders were porous and indistinct, and sovereignties faded imperceptibly into one another. Hence, paradoxically enough, the ease with which pre-modern empires and kingdoms were able to sustain their rule over immensely heterogeneous,and often not even contiguous, populations for long periods of time.
  • 20-1 ...royal lineages often derived their presige, aside from any aura of divinity, from, shall we say, miscegeneation? ...It is characteristic that there has not been an 'English' dynasty ruling in London since the eleventh century (if then); and what 'nationality' are we to assign to the Bourbons?
• Apprehensions of Time
  • can tie to other sources that deal with time/history: Griffiths 2016, Underwood 2013, Bowen 2009, Brake 2001 and Beetham 1990 print angles
  • 23-4 the change from a simultaneous model to a causal chain -- he quotes Auerbach:
    • [example: the sacrifice of Isaac prefiguring that of Christ] these events aren't linked temporally or causally, but rather "vertically linked to Divine Providence...the here and now is no longer a mere link in an earthly chain of events, it is simultaneously something which has always been, and will be fulfilled in the future; and strictly, in the eyes of God, it is something eternal, something omnitemporal, something already consummated in the realm of fragmentary earthly event." (24)
    • this simultaneity is close to Benjamin's Messianic time, "a simultaneity of past and future in an instantaneous present"
      • on 204, a good example: the modern biography that gives textual evidence for subject's genealogy and calendrical dates for birth and death vs. the beginning of Matthew's Gospel?: "No dates are given for any of Jesus's forebears, let alone sociological, cultural, physiological or political information about them. This narrative [205] style...was entirely reasonable to the sainted genealogist because he did not conceive of Christ as an historical 'personality', but only as the true son of God."
  • What has come to take the place of the medieval conception of simultaneity-along-time is, to borrow again from Benjamin, an idea of "homogenous, empty time," in which simultaneity is, as it were, transverse, cross-time, marked not by prefiguring and fulfilment, but by temporal coincidence, and measured by a clock and calendar.
    • the horizontal-along-time versus the vertical-cross-time seems helpful here
  • transformation in apprehending time and the novel and newspaper, "...these forms provided the technical means for 're-presenting' the kind of imagined community that is the nation" (25)
  • Novels: time chart on 25, events that happen in a plot with A who has a wife (B) and a mistress (C), who has a lover (D):

What then actually links A to D? Two complementary conceptions: First that they are embedded in 'societies' (Wessex, Lubeck, Los Angeles). These societies are sociological entities of such firm and stable reality that their members (A and D) can even be described as passing one another on the street, without ever becoming acquainted, and still be connected. Second, that A and D are [26] embedded in the minds of the omniscient readers. [...] The idea of a sociological organism moving calendrically through homogenous, empty time is a precise analogue of the idea of the nation, which also is conceived as a solid community moving steadily down (or up) history.

• • He invokes Wessex so you could connect to The Woodlanders (Thomas Hardy, 1887) (who meets and who doesn't?), but also Bleak House (1853): is D at such pains to connect everyone because he's trying to apprehend the nation? Also, qua Armstrong 2005, the novel then facilitates the imagination of individuals but also nations of them
  • 26 [note] Nothing better shows the immersion of the novel in homogenous, empty time than the absence of those prefatory genealogies, often ascending to the origin of man, which are so characteristic a feature of ancient chronicles, legends, and holy books.
  • 30 [Example of de Lizardi's El Periquillo Sarniento, The Itching Parrot, Mexico, 1816] Here again we see the 'national imagination' at work in the movement of a solitary hero through a sociological landscape of a fixity that fuses the world inside the novel with the world outside.
  • the boundedness of the horizon by "sociological solidity" - an important formal feature
  • 33 Newspapers: ...if we now turn to the newspaper as cultural product, we will be struck by its profound fictiveness.... Why are these events so juxtaposed? What connects them to each other? Not sheer caprice. Yet obviously most of them happen independently, without the actors being aware of each other or of what the others are up to. The arbitrariness of their inclusion and juxtaposition...shows that the linkage between them is imagined.
    • linkage derived from "calendrical coincidence" (and the novelistic assurance that the "character" "Syria" "moves along quietly, awaiting its next appearance") and "the relationship between the newspaper, as a form of book, and the market."
      • as with Brake 2001, no modern print culture without linking the book and the periodical
    • 34 in a rather special sense, the book was the first modern-style mass-produced industrial commodity. The sense I have in mind can be shown if we compare the book to other early industrial products, such as textiles, bricks, or sugar, for these commodities are measured in mathematical amounts (pounds or loads or pieces). A pound of sugar is simply a quantity, a convenient load, not an object in itself. The book, however -- and here it prefigures the durables of our time -- is a distinct, self contained object, exactly reproduced on a large scale [bibliographical differences not withstanding]. One pound of sugar flows into the next; each book has its own eremitic self-sufficiency.
    • 34-5 ...the newspaper is merely an 'extreme form' of the book, a book sold on a colossal scale, but of ephemeral popularity....curious that one of the earlier mass-produced commodities should so prefigure the inbuilt obsolescence of modern durables[.]
    • ...each communicant is well aware that the ceremony he performs [of reading the morning paper] is being replicated simultaneously by thousands...of others of whose existence he is confident, yet of whose identity he has not the slightest notion.... What more vivid figure for the secular, historically clocked, imagined community can be envisioned?

Ch 3: The Origins of National Consciousness

• theoretical antecedent of St Clair 2004: his analysis presupposes print capitalism. Builds on Febvre & Martin 1958 though probably goes too far in an Eisenstein 1979 "revolutionary" direction (and is entirely dependent on Febvre and Martin, not for ex. on archival materials) - though he is distinctly more Marxist: "Eisenstein [comes] close to theomorphizing 'print' qua print as the genius of modern history. Febvre and Martin never forget that behind print stand printers and publishing firms."
  • Surprising to note that St Clair doesn't cite Anderson
• 37 [underpinning argument] ...The development of print-as-commodity is the key to the generation of wholly new ideas of simultaneity [which is] the point where communities of the type 'horizontal-secular, transverse-time' become possible
• 37-8 One of the earliest forms of capitalist enterprise, book-publishing felt all of capitalism's restless search for markets.
• 38 The logic of capitalism meant that once the elite Latin market was saturated, the potentially huge markets represented by the monoglot masses would beckon.
  • although St Clair 2004 demonstrates all the complex reasons why "monoglot masses" isn't an undifferentiated mass and their access to print differed accordingly
• 39 The revolutionary vernacularizing thrust of capitalism was given further impetus by three extraneous factors[:]
  • change in Latin to be more Ciceronian, stylized and removed from ecclesiastical/everyday life
  • impact of Reformation, which "owed much of its success to print-capitalism"
    • 40 "The coalition between Protestantism and print-capitalism, exploiting cheap popular editions, quickly created large new reading publics" (again see St Clair 2004 for caveats)
  • "the slow, geographically uneven, spread of particular vernaculars as instruments of administrative centralization by certain well-positioned would-be absolutist monarchs" - "Latin's religious authority never had a true political analogue" (41)
• 42 It is quite possible to conceive of the emergence of the new imagined national communities without any one, perhaps all, of them [these three factors] being present. What, in a positive sense, made the new communities imaginable was a half-fortuitous, but explosive, interaction between [43] a system of production and productive relations (capitalism), a technology of communications (print), and the fatality of human linguistic diversity.
  • fatality is essential: "...whatever superhuman feats capitalism was capable of, it found in death and languages two tenacious adversaries."
• 44 Nothing served to 'assemble' related vernaculars more than capitalism, which, within the limits imposed by grammars and syntaxes, created mechanically reproduced print-languages capable of dissemination through the market.
• Print-languages the basis for national consciousnesses:
  • 1) creating "unified fields of exchange and communication below Latin and above the spoken vernaculars," increasing awareness of people in their "language-field"
  • 2) print-capitalism "gave a new fixity to language, which in the long run helped to build that image of antiquity so central to the subjective idea of the nation.... [45] To put it another way, for three centuries now these stabilized print-languages have been gathering a darkening varnish: the words of our C17 forebears are accessible to us in a way that to Villon his C12 ancestors were not."
    • ties nicely to language, antiquity, history in Waverley (Scott, 1815) (see Armstrong 2005 and Underwood 2013 also)
  • 3) "print-capitalism created languages-of-power of a kind different from the older administrative vernaculars. Certain dialects inevitably were 'closer' to each print-language and dominated their final forms."
• 46 ...the convergence of capitalism and print technology on the fatal diversity of human language created the possibility of a new form of imagined community, which in its basic morphology set the stage for the modern nation.

Ch 9: The Angel of History

• 155-6 qting Nairn about the British political system as a "product of deliberate invention," which later bourgeois societies studied and imitated "engender[ing] something substantially different: the truly modern doctrine of the abstrat or 'impersonal' state which, because of its abstract nature, could be imitated in subsequent history."
  • the state system as abstractable from local circumstances, becoming in Levine's terms a form (though a poor one because, as Nairn says, imitation in this case rarely works - maybe a nice gloss on Levine, actually)
• 156 ...Thanks to print-capitalism, the French experience [in the Revolution] was not merely ineradicable from human memory, it was also learnable-from. Out of almost a century of modular theorizing and practical experimentation came the Bolsheviks[.]
  • hence (perhaps) Romantic and conservative responsiveness to it, all the way down to Tale of Two Cities (1859)
  • the theorizing of a "planned revolution" itself documented in Wilson 1940
• 157 ...Since the C18 nationalism has undergone a [similar to revolutionary socialism] process of modulation and adaptation, according to different eras, political regimes, economies and social structures. The 'imagined community' has, as a result spread out to every conceivable contemporary society.
• 159 As we have seen, 'official nationalism' was from the start a conscious, self-protective policy, intimately linked to the preservation of imperial-dynastic interests. But once 'out there for all to see,' it was as copyable as Prussia's early-C19 military reforms, and by the same variety of political and social systems.
• 160 the print archive of regime change: At a less obvious level [than the revolutionaries setting up shop in the Kremlin or the Forbidden City], successful revolutionaries also inherit the wiring of the old state: sometimes functionaries and informers, but always files, dossiers, archives, laws, financial records, censuses, maps, treaties, correspondence, memoranda, and so on. Like the complex electrical system in any large mansion when the owner has fled, the state awaits the new owner's hand at the switch to be very much its old brilliant self again.

Ch 10: Census, Map, Museum

• 163 these three institutions...profoundly [164] shaped the way in which the colonial state imagined its dominion -- the nature of the human beings it ruled, the geography of its dominion, and the legitimacy of its ancestry.

Census

• 164-5 discussing Hirschman's analysis of categories in late c19 Malaysian census and the succession of religious categories by racial ones - how would it match with racial categories as markers or indexes into colonial understanding in, say, Lord Jim (Joseph Conrad, 1900)?
• 166 The fiction of the census is that everyone is in it, and that everyone has one - and only one - extremely clear place. No fractions.
• 168-9 ...After 1850 colonial authorities [his examples are Malaysia and Java] were using increasingly sophisticated administrative means to enumerate populations, including the women and children (whom the ancient rulers had always ignored), according to a maze of grids which had no immediate financial or military purpose.... The flow of subject populations through the mesh of differential schools, courts, clinics, police stations and immigration offices created 'traffic-habits' which in time gave real social life to the state's earlier fantasies.

The Map

• 173 [case of Thailand, which was not colonized and where printed maps came late] Thongchai notes that the vectoral convergence of print-capitalism with the new conception of spatial reality presented by these maps had an immediate impact on the vocabulary of Thai politics. Between 1900 and 1915, the traditional words krung and muang largely disappeared, because they imagined dominion in terms of sacred capitals and visible, discontinuous population centres. In their place came prathet, 'country', which imagined it in the invisible terms of bounded territorial space.
• 174 Like censuses, European-style maps worked on the basis of a totalizing classification, and led their bureaucratic producers and consumers toward policies with revolutionary consequences. Ever since John Harrison's 1761 invention of the chronometer, which made possible the precise calculation of longitudes, the entire planet's curved surface has been subjected to a geometrical grid which squared off empty seas and unexplored regions in measured boxes.
• 175 the way the "map-as-logo" disconnects the shape of nation or colony from actual spatial representation and becomes infinitely reproducible

The Museum

• see Black 2000, MacGregor 1997, even McGann 1991 on the museum and the edition
• 178 For museums, and the museumizing imagination, are both profoundly political.
• The present proliferation of museums across SE Asia suggests a general process of political inheriting at work. Any understanding of this process requires a consideration of the novel C19 colonial archaeology that made such museums possible.
• 181 Seen in this light, the reconstructed monuments [as in Burma or the Javanese Buddhist stupa of Borobudur] juxtaposed with the surrounding rural poverty, said to the natives: Our very presence shows that you have always been or have long become, incapable of either greatness or self-rule.
• Monumental archaeology, increasingly linked to tourism, allowed the state to appear as the guardian of a generalized, but also local, Tradition. The old sacred sites were to be incorporated into the map of the colony, and their ancient prestige (which if this had [182] disappeared, as it often had, the state would attempt to revive) draped around the mappers. This paradoxical situation is nicely illustrated by the fact that the reconstructed monuments often had smartly laid-out lawns around them, and always explanatory tablets.... Moreover, they were to be kept empty of people, except for perambulatory tourists (no religious ceremonies or pilgrimages, so far as possible). Museumized this way, they were repositioned as regalia for a secular colonial state.
• 182 ...a characteristic feature of the instrumentalities of this profane state was infinite reproducibility, a reproducibility made technically possible by print and photography [i.e., books for public consumption, etc., moving toward postcards and hotels]
• 183 It was precisely the infinite quotidian reproducibility of its regalia that revealed the real power of the state.
• 184 ..the census, the map, and the museum illuminate the late colonial state's style of thinking about its domain. The 'warp' of this thinking was a totalizing classificatory grid, which could be applied with endless flexibility to anything under the state's real or contemplated control: peoples, regions, religions, languages, products, monuments, and so forth.... The 'weft' was what one could call serialization: the assumption that the world was made up of replicable plurals. The particular always stood as a provisional representative of a series, and was to be handled in this light. This is why the colonial state imagined a Chinese series before any Chinese, and a nationalist series before the appearance of any nationalists.

Ch 11: Memory and Forgetting

• 188 [Chiang Mai is "New Town" in diachronic succession, New York is new in parallel synchrony with York] This new synchronic novelty could arise historically only when substantial groups of people were in a position to think of themselves as living lives parallel to those of other substantial groups of people - if never meeting, yet certainly proceeding along the same trajectory. Between 1500 and 1800 an accumulation of technological innovations in the field of shipbuilding, navigation, horology and cartography, mediated through print-capitalism, was making this type of imagining possible.
• 191 The doubleness of the Americas and the reasons for it, sketched out above, help to explain why nationalism emerged first in the New World, not the Old.
• 192 The revolutionary wars, bitter as they were, were still reassuring in that they were wars between kinsmen.
• 193 not just new space, but new time: the Declaration makes no mention of Columbus or the Pilgrims, nor does it even mention the American nation: it was a radical break with the past (like the French Revolution which started a new calendar in Year One)
• 194 back to the novel: Serially published newspapers were by then [end of the C18] a familiar part of urban civilization. So was the novel, with its spectacular possibilities for the representation of simultaneous actions in homogenous empty time. The cosmic clocking which had made intelligble our synchronic transoceanic pairings was increasingly felt to entail a wholly intramundane, serial view of social causality; and this sense of the world was now speedily deepening its grip on Western imaginations. ...Very quickly the Year One made way for 1792 AD, and the revolutionary ruptures of 1776 and 1789 came to be figured as embedded in the historical series and thus as historical precedents and models.
  • that sense of "information overload" experienced serially in homogenous empty time; perhaps it's more Messianic (Walter Benjamin#Theses). On 204 he says "All profound changes in consciousness, by their very nature bring with them characteristic amnesias. Out of such oblivions, in specific historical circumstances, spring narratives."
  • this connects to Griffiths 2016 on analogy
  • it also plays on the deeper historical consciousness of belatedness - Armstrong 1993
• 204 The photograph, fine child of the age of mechanical reproduction, is only the most peremptory of a huge modern accumulation of documentary evidence (birth certificates, diaries, report cards, letters, medical records, and the like) which simultaneously records a certain apparent continuity and emphasizes its loss from memory. Out of this estrangement comes a conception of personhood, identity...which, because it cannot be 'remembered,' must be narrated.
  • Armadale (Collins, 1866) on the instability of documentary identity